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Subject: Rice caught in Iran-Contra-style capers in Africa
Date: Fri, 10 Sep 1999 08:30:19 +0200
Rice caught in Iran-Contra-style capers in Africa
By an EIR Investigative Team, Executive Intelligence Review
20 November 1998
An EIR team probing the causes behind the genocidal wars that have been
ravaging East and Central Africa over the last four years, has uncovered a
covert arms and logistical supply network run out of the U.S. State
Department, which mirrors precisely the notorious Iran-Contra arms supply
operation of the 1980s. As in the case of then-Vice President George Bush
and Col. Oliver North's covert Iran-Contra operations, the arms and
logistical supply to marauding forces in East and Central Africa is being
organized "off the books," and in direct violation of the official, public
policy of the United States government toward the conflicts involved.
The parallel to the Bush-North operations is precise: Incontrovertible
evidence accumulated by EIR demonstrates that the same extra-governmental
"assets" used by North in widespread illegal narcotics- and
arms-trafficking, are channelling arms and military aid into Central Africa.
In this new "Central African" supply operation, standing in for the
drug-smuggling gangsters of the Nicaraguan Contra operation, are the African
"rebels" fighting the governments of Sudan, the Democratic Republic of
Congo, and any other Central African nation targetted by British
intelligence's leading warlord in the region, Ugandan dictator Yoweri
The two leading operatives who have been caught red-handed in such dirty
operations toward Central Africa are U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs Susan Rice, and Roger Winter, executive director of the U.S.
Committee on Refugees.
EIR has uncovered two, overlapping operations. First, is the covert supply
of arms to the Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA) of John Garang,
which has waged a totally unsuccessful but nevertheless genocidal war
against the Sudan government since 1983. The second involves covert military
logistical aid to the so-called rebel forces arrayed against the government
of Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo, an operation being
run directly out of the U.S. State Department with the oversight of Rice.
Drug-runners, Mossad, and mercenaries
Doing the dirty work are Israeli, American, European, and Ugandan
Michael Harari, a longtime top agent of Israeli foreign intelligence, the
Mossad, who was a security adviser to Panamanian Defense Forces Gen. Manuel
Noriega. As the Mossad station chief for Central and South America in the
late 1970s and into the 1980s until the U.S. invasion of Panama, after which
he returned to Israel, Harari coordinated the Mossad's gun-running and
drug-trafficking operations in South America.
Alberto Prado Herreros, a suspected drug-trafficker and confirmed director
of a Miami-based arms company called Lomax International. Herreros was a
prime contractor for the Bush-North Contra supply operation.
Daniel Eiffe, the coordinator for Central Africa of Norwegian People's Aid,
which poses as a relief organization. The Norwegian government cut it off
from funding in May 1998 because of its overt military and logistical
support for Garang's SPLA.
Brig. Gen. James Kazini, a nephew of Ugandan dictator Museveni and the chief
of staff of the Ugandan Popular Defense Forces. Kazini has been directly in
charge of the Ugandan military operations against Sudan, and is now in
charge on the ground of the Ugandan army invasion of the Congo. According to
reports in the pro-government Ugandan daily New Vision, Kazini was last
known to be stationed in Kisangani, Congo, and aided the Ugandan-Rwandan
takeover of Kisangani and Bunia.
Moreover, the parallel to North's Contra supply operation is strategic. It
was after Vice President Bush permitted the British to flagrantly violate
the U.S. Monroe Doctrine, by furnishing his backing of Britain's Malvinas
War against Argentina in 1982, that Bush then pursued the Contra option in
Nicaragua, violating Congressional restrictions through providing the
Contras' needs "off the books." That caper went into high gear after the
Reagan administration rejected American statesman Lyndon LaRouche's
Operation Ju=E1rez solution to the South American debt crisis. LaRouche's
August 1982 plan called for a debt moratorium in the Ibero-American
countries and a policy of economic development based on the export of
capital goods to the Southern Hemisphere. With the rejection of LaRouche's
proposal, Bush forced through the bogus idea of the communist threat from
the Sandinista regime in Managua, as justification for a policy that, in
reality, supported the Contra drug-trafficking, boosted the Colombian
narco-terrorist cartels, and flooded the United States with illegal drugs.
This demonstrated that Ibero-America could expect nothing more from the
United States than a British colonial-style policy of war, narco-terrorism,
and economic exploitation.
In Africa today, the Nicaragua bogeyman has been replaced by the government
of Sudan, the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo, or any other
government or political force on the continent which stands in the way of a
policy to extract every ounce of mineral wealth, with no benefit whatever to
the countries possessing such wealth. This is the driving force behind the
destruction of the nation-state by mercenary armies--such as Museveni's
Ugandans or Rwandan Defense Minister Paul Kagame's forces--a policy that has
cost the lives of millions of people. The architects of this policy reside
in London and the boardrooms of the British Commonwealth mining companies,
financial institutions, and private paramilitary-security firms.
While most of the players in this trade have been based in Britain or the
Commonwealth countries, our report will focus on the channel that comes into
and operates through the United States and also Israel, in the hopes that
the Clinton administration will take appropriate action.
War or peace?
The evidence gathered by the EIR team, even if incomplete, tends to confirm
the many rumors and allegations circulating throughout Central Africa and
among those involved in Africa policy in Europe and elsewhere, that while
the U.S. government's public policy to attempt to act as the "honest
mediator" in the war around the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the United
States is, in fact, supporting--with arms, supplies, training, and
logistical support--those very forces under the control of Uganda and
Rwanda, which violated international law to invade the Congo on Aug. 2, and
now hold large chunks of its eastern and central territory.
Thus, while Susan Rice was engaging in highly publicized shuttling among
Central African capitals, to demand that Congo allies Angola and Zimbabwe
withdraw their troops from the Congo, in order to prevent a "wider
conflagration," back in Washington, EIR has uncovered, her underlings were
in the process of vetting private contractors to give logistical support to
the Ugandan- and Rwandan-backed rebels in the Congo.
The operation mirrors precisely that carried out for the Contra supply
operation out of the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office in the State
Department during the 1980s. In this case, according to a confidential
source, under Rice's direction, Ricardo Zuniga, operations officer for the
State Department's East African Affairs section, is seeking aid from private
contractors to supply and provide an airlift to Museveni's combatants in the
Congo. Zuniga is reportedly a middle-level foreign service officer, with
previous postings in Mexico and Portugal.
Within the State Department, it is widely believed that Rice's closest
adviser on Africa is Roger Winter, director of the U.S. Committee on
Refugees, who has rammed through the policy of war in Central Africa as the
policy of the State Department. In September 1997, Winter, along with John
Prendergast of the U.S. National Security Council, declared Rice to be one
of their "team" to lead the United States into support of a total war
against the government of Sudan, to be waged on the ground by the Ugandan
and allied armies.
Rice's other key adviser is Philip Gourevitch, a journalist with The New
Yorker, who has fashioned a career for himself in the last four years as an
expert on the bloodletting in Rwanda in 1994. He is known to be personally
close to Rwandan Defense Minister Kagame. Prior to joining The New Yorker,
Gourevitch was the New York correspondent for the neo-conservative Jewish
weekly, The Forward.[FIGURE 201]
This covert operation in support of the Congolese "rebels," and by direct
implication the invasion of Ugandan and Rwanda in the Congo, contradicts the
stated policy of the United States, particularly that put forward on Oct. 17
by the new U.S. Ambassador to the Congo, William Swing, who said on Kinshasa
TV, "We condemned the external military interference from countries such as
Rwanda and Uganda back in August. It is President Clinton who accredited me
to President Kabila and his government. This should represent for you a
signal and evidence of where we stand in our relations with your country. I
am here to support your government."
Whose policy is Susan Rice carrying out?
EIR is in possession of more detailed information concerning the operations
uncovered than we present in this report. The file is by no means closed,
and EIR is continuing to dig deeper, to uncover the real causes behind the
terrible slaughter and suffering that have ravaged Africa under the regional
leadership of Museveni.
Susan Rice brooks no opposition
Susan Rice, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, is reported to
have won her post at the U.S. State Department through strong pressure from
Roger Winter, executive director of the U.S. Committee on Refugees, who
pushed for her candidacy over the appointment of Howard Wolpe, now U.S.
Special Envoy to the Great Lakes region, who was also a contender for the
Her other known patron is Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, who has
been a life-long friend of Rice and her family, as Albright is quoted in the
Washington Post of March 30.
She also comes to the administration with the vetting of the neo-colonial
apparatus in the British Commonwealth, which is the source of the policies
Rice is carrying out. A Rhodes Scholar, she received her masters and
doctorate degrees in International Relations at New College, Oxford
University. In 1992, she was the recipient of the first annual award given
by the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the British
International Studies Association for the "most distinguished dissertation
in the United Kingdom in the field of International Relations." Her topic
was "The Commonwealth Initiative in Zimbabwe, 1979-80: Implications for
International Peacekeeping." In 1990, she had also been awarded the Royal
Commonwealth Society's Walter Frewen Lord Prize for "outstanding research in
the field of Commonwealth History."
Her first job was a management consultant in Toronto, for McKinsey and
Her next posting was at the U.S. National Security Council, as director for
International Organizations and Peacekeeping in February 1993, and then as
Special Assistant to the President and as Senior Director for African
Affairs, from March 1995 until May 1997, when she was appointed by President
Clinton as Assistant Secretary.
War, and more war
Rice has used the clout associated with her post to ram through a policy of
proxy war against Sudan by the United States through Uganda and Eritrea. She
was reportedly a strong advocate of the Aug. 20 U.S. air attack on the
Al-Shifa pharmaceutical plant in Khartoum, on the grounds that it was
housing a chemical weapons capability--charges for which the administration
has not been able to present sound evidence.
In general, Rice came into the office with a policy of attaching the United
States to the "new breed" of African leaders first heralded in the Jan. 14,
1997 London Times. This breed centers around Ugandan President Yoweri
Museveni, and included Eritrean military dictator Isaias Afwerki, Ethiopian
dictator Meles Zenawi, Congolese dictator Laurent Kabila, and Rwandan
dictator Paul Kagame. One of this coalition's major aims was to bring down
the Sudan government; however, the coalition has fallen to pieces, as war
has broken out between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and between Kabila's Congo on
one side and Ugandan and Rwanda on the other. Rice's "peace efforts" have
come to naught in both cases.
Rice's animosity toward Sudan is unyielding, as she has stated that "Sudan
is the only state in sub-Saharan Africa that poses a direct threat to U.S.
national security interests." In her current post, and before that, at the
NSC Africa desk, she refused to meet with Sudanese Ambassador to the United
States Mahdi Ibrahim Mohamed, despite the ongoing diplomatic relations
between the two countries.
She has been nearly as extreme in her targetting of Nigeria. In a speech at
the Brookings Institution on March 12, Rice enunciated her policy toward
Nigeria: "Let me state clearly and unequivocally to you today that an
electoral victory by any military candidate in the forthcoming Presidential
elections would be unacceptable"--the first time that such a policy had been
so stated by Washington. Her father, Emmet Rice, was a former adviser to the
Central Bank of Nigeria.
To the extent that she has any expertise, it is in peacekeeping and military
operations, and Rice has been involved in the details in formulating the
African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI), which calls for the formation of
regional armies that would deploy at the behest of supranational
organizations, such as the UN Security Council, or the Organization of
The poverty of her knowledge of Africa itself has shocked the African
diplomatic corps in Washington. Further, is the common complaint, she
doesn't want to learn. "Many of my colleagues on Africa have a degree of
understanding and expertise that I can't pretend to have," she told the
Washington Post; and, says the Post, in its adulatory March 30 profile of
her, "While the top brass are enchanted, she has not captured the hearts and
minds of the grunts" in the State Department. She is known for not
entertaining any views contradictory to the policy that has been set for her
to carry out, and for blocking the flow of information that might show that
policy's weakness or failure.
She brooks no opposition, it is said, even from the U.S. President. When
President Clinton, in South Africa, on March 27 had voiced his hopes for
Gen. Sani Abacha's moving Nigeria toward democracy, the State Department was
asked by a reporter if this did not contradict the policy stated by Rice on
March 12, and which policy was correct. After first denying the President's
statement, State Department spokesman James Foley stood by Rice's
declaration, and stated that any other idea was "wildly hypothetical." "What
Assistant Secretary Rice said stands," asserted Foley.
Roger Winter: boss of the warlords
On Sept. 17, Roger Winter, executive director of the U.S. Committee on
Refugees, spoke at a conference of the U.S. Institute for Peace, and
demanded full-scale backing from the U.S. government for a war "to bring
down the Khartoum government" in Sudan, adding, "even though I know it will
bring about a humanitarian catastrophe." He reassured the assembled African
policymakers present, however, that U.S. troops would not be involved in the
effort; this would be a proxy war using Ugandan and Eritrean troops against
Sudan, with U.S. weapons and logistical and training support.
To aid this process, Winter is known to have lobbied for the placement of
Susan Rice as the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs.
By all accounts, Winter is a feared person among Africans and in Washington.
Not only is he seen as the man behind Rice's appointment, but his underling
at the Interaction Council, Julia Taft, is now the head of the U.S. State
Department's Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration. Winter is head
of the Interaction Council, an umbrella group for all the non-governmental
organizations that deal with relief and other humanitarian matters, Winter i
s reputedly the political director of the entire operation. He and his
sidekick John Prendergast, now ensconsed at the National Security Council,
have pushed for a policy of politicization of relief agencies, and away from
their expected stance of neutrality in other people's conflicts.
Winter's own U.S. Committee on Refugees--75% funded by the U.S.
government--never delivers aid to refugees, but is the intelligence nerve
center for the entire relief apparatus, and coordinates the political
"attitude" to be taken toward refugees. It is also clear from Winter's own
public activities, and the most recent caper in which he has been caught,
that the "political" direction of relief efforts also includes supplying
military aid--that is, using "relief" efforts as the cover for partisan and
deadly military support.
Winter's longstanding demands for war against Khartoum are a classic case of
such partisan and deadly mis-use of "humanitarian concerns." In 1990, Winter
published a paper "War and Famine in Sudan" which called for a complete
realignment of U.S. policy in East Africa based on the winding down of the
Cold War against the Soviet Union. "For many years," Winter wrote, "Sudan
has been an important geostrategic partner of the United States. For more
than 15 years, Ethiopia has been viewed by the United States as the
destabilizing force in the region--with good reason. Frankly, however, given
the overwhelmingly negative changes that have occurred in Sudan at the hands
of the Bashir government, there is no reason other than being caught in the
Cold War rut to explain the U.S. pattern of tolerating Khartoum's actions
during much of the last year and a half.
"In some ways, the pattern has been similar to our pre-August 1 pattern of
cozying up to Iraq. When [Sudan President Omar al-] Bashir's coup overthrew
[Sudan leader] Sadiq [al-Mahdi], U.S. aid began to shut down, but only
because our law required it. The United States continued to support
assistance to Sudan through multilateral institutions. Human rights
conditions in Sudan deteriorated rapidly and massively, but U.S. criticism
was muffled at best; the Bureau of Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs was
absent. Operation Lifeline Sudan was manipulated into impotence, but the
United States (and the UN, for that matter) was not aggressive about
preserving Lifeline's effectiveness and humanitarian neutrality.
"Finally, the United States appears to have fundamentally reconsidered its
posture regarding Sudan, or, more specifically, a Bashir administration in
Winter's complaints against Sudan have not changed; in fact, at the U.S.
Institute for Peace conference, Winter's charges against Sudan all reverted
back to 1991, even though the Sudanese government has changed major policies
and made peace with large sections of the political leadership of southern
Sudan, and also permitted Operation Lifeline relief agencies to continue to
send food into southern Sudan, while bypassing Khartoum.
Winter argued for support by the U.S. government for John Garang's Sudanese
People's Liberation Army (SPLA). His sponsorship of Garang in Washington is
legendary; whenever Garang comes to the United States, the itinerary is in
Winter's control. Since 1990, Winter has argued for a U.S. policy of de
facto recognition of Garang's SPLA as the government of southern Sudan.
Winter called this a "people-friendly" policy toward Sudan.
It is noteworthy, however, that since Winter wrote his policy paper of 1990,
the military situation in southern Sudan has not changed. What has changed,
is the death toll of this war. More than 3 million southern Sudanese, most
of them Christian, have fled southern Sudan for Khartoum, to escape the war.
Hundreds of thousands were killed in the 1992 fratricidal war between the
Garang and Machar wings of the SPLA, not only by military means, but mostly
due to the terrible famine that ensued; today millions more are at risk of
starvation. In his 1990 paper, Winter predicted military victory just around
the corner: "In January 1990, the SPLA began to shell Juba, the so-called
capital of the South, and captured Kajo Kaji, Kaya, and Yei town. . . .
Virtually all Sudan army actions to regain the military initiative have
But today, the SPLA is no closer to taking Juba than it ever was. In fact,
it is not in shelling range of the "capital of the south." The towns of Yei,
Torit, and others have changed hands numbers of times, each battle leaving
hundreds dead, and thousands displaced, uprooted, left with no means of
It really cannot be expected that even if Winter were able to supply the
SPLA, that it could achieve military victory, yet he and his cohorts
continue a war against Sudan, a policy which, as Rep. Tony Hall accurately
told Rice in Congressional hearings on July 29, "is a failure."
Roger Winter is also patron to two other warlords in the region: Ugandan
dictator Yoweri Museveni and his underling, Rwandan Defense Minister and
former head of Ugandan military intelligence, Paul Kagame.
His sponsorship of Museveni dates backed to 1982--before the SPLA war
against Sudan even began. In one of his first ventures as executive director
of the U.S. Committee of Refugees, Winter traveled to Uganda, where he took
up the cause of the Banyarwanda refugees--Tutsi Rwandans who had fled to
Uganda in the early 1960s--against the government of Ugandan President
Milton Obote. By 1983, Winter was regularly visiting Yoweri Museveni in the
bush, as Museveni was leading his guerrilla war against the Obote
government. Winter became an early publicist for Museveni, centered around
charges that Obote was carrying out a campaign of mass murder in the Luwero
Triangle--a campaign that many in central Uganda are coming to realize was
carried out by Museveni himself.
Through Museveni, Winter became an early patron of Kagame and the Rwandan
Patriotic Front, which was organized in Kampala, Uganda. In August 1988,
Winter organized a conference of the Association of Banyarwandans in
Diaspora in Washington, D.C., which brought together Rwandan Tutsis in exile
to sponsor the efforts of the Rwandan Patriotic Front to come to power in
Kigali. Two years later, the RPF, backed by Museveni along with troops of
Uganda, invaded Rwanda in October 1990, launching the process that led to
the genocide of 1994. In the 1994 RPF blitzkrieg of Rwanda, after the murder
of Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, Winter told Congress: "I had the
great honor of travelling in Rwanda in April, in May, in June, and in July,
as the war was occurring. I had the privilege of travelling with the Rwandan
Patriotic Front as it gradually increased its control over Rwandan
Hence, Winter is to be found among the earliest sponsors from the United
States of the British warlords--Kagame, Garang, and Museveni--who have
wreaked so much havoc in East Africa. Their policy has nothing to do with
the populations they claim to represent, but the British Commonwealth
designs--funneled by Winter through the United States--to break up the
nation-states of East Africa with the use of mercenary armies that have
agreed to function as the marcher-lords for a total looting of African raw
materials and mineral wealth.
It is the myth of the "bogeyman" of Sudan and the alleged national security
threat from Sudan that keeps Winter and these warlords in business.
Michael Harari, the fixer
Michael Harari, the Israeli gun-runner who helped supply John Garang's
Sudanese People's Liberation Army in a covert operation involving Roger
Winter of the U.S. Committee on Refugees and Dan Eiffe of Norwegian Peoples
Aid, is currently wanted for arrest by the government of Norway. The
Norwegian warrant, issued through Interpol in June 1998, stems from Harari's
coordination of assassination operations against leaders of the Palestine
Liberation Organization in revenge for the terrorist massacre of Israeli
athletes at the 1972 Munich Olympics. On July 23, 1973, one of Harari's
Mossad teams was dispatched to Norway, where it shot and killed Moroccan
waiter Ahmed Bouchikhi. Harari had wrongly believed Bouchikhi to be PLO
intelligence chief Hassan Salameh.
In June 1998, Oslo prosecutor Lasse Qvigstad issued an international arrest
warrant, through Interpol, for Harari, whom he charged as an accessory to
the Bouchikhi murder. The warrant's issuance extends the statute of
limitation on the murder investigation another 25 years.
Gun-running operations always need the talents of a fixer, and Harari is the
right man for covertly supplying arms to the SPLA, whose fight against the
Sudan government is aiding Anglo-Israeli geopolitical schemes for East
Africa. In Africa, the arms dealer must circumvent arms embargoes, and/or
make otherwise illegal sales to countries or organizations. The fixer must
have ties to at least one national intelligence service, affording him
official cover to procure end-user certificates, or extricate himself from
legal jams. With cash scarce in Africa, a fixer must be able to accept
anything as payment for weapons--from drugs to diamonds and gold, to such
mundane commodities as coffee and smuggled cigarettes.
Michael Harari, now 71, and a legend in the Israeli Mossad, makes the ideal
fixer, with his multiple connections to the underworld of illegal diamond,
drugs and commodity trading.
When he finished directing Mossad death squads against the PLO in the early
1970s, Harari was transferred to Central and South America. Operating out of
Mexico, Panama, and Florida, he integrated his operations with the emerging
cocaine trade. His weapons-trafficking activities were intimately interwoven
with the region's drug networks, particularly those of Colombia's Medell=EDn
and Cali cocaine cartels.
In the 1970s, Harari was trafficking weapons to a faction, run by Eden
Pastora, of the Nicaraguan Sandinista rebels, who were fighting the regime
of Anastasio Somoza. After Somoza's overthrow, Pastora's faction joined the
Contras, under the name ARDE, and Harari's Israeli-linked arms- and
drug-smuggling network became the backbone of the Contra supply operation.
Harari used Panama as a base and used his position as security adviser to
Panamanian Defense Forces chief Gen. Manuel Noriega, to work closely with
CIA officer Duane Clarridge, then in charge of the Contra resupply operation
under the direction of Vice President George Bush.
Harari's Panamanian operations always ran through his his own network, which
exists to this day, although Harari himself returned to Israel after Bush's
Dec. 20, 1989 Panama invasion. Much of this network is indirectly detailed
in the recently released report of the CIA Inspector General regarding
allegations of drug trafficking by the Contras (Allegations of Connections
between CIA and the Contras in Cocaine Trafficking to the United States,
Vol. II: The Contra Story). Harari is not mentioned in the report, but one
of his associates is: George Morales, a major trafficker for the Medell=EDn
Cartel, who played a role in assassination threats against then-U.S.
Ambassador to Colombia Lewis Tambs, in the 1980s. In 1987, Morales gave
hours of testimony before the Senate's Kerry Committee investigating
Iran-Contra, and detailed how he delivered weapons and other equipment to
the Contras, in return for their help in smuggling hundreds of tons of
cocaine into the United States. EIR has reports that Morales is still part
of the same network as Harari.
Another member of Harari's network mentioned in the CIA Inspector General's
report is smuggler Alberto Prado Herreros, who turns up in the covert supply
operations to the SPLA.
Throughout the tangled history of the Contra resupply operation, various
players, such as Pastora and Morales, were dropped when it became expedient,
especially after the Iran-Contra story broke in 1986. But Harari continued
to enjoy a privileged status, and was unhindered when he left Panama after
Bush's invasion, in order to seek a more secure and profitable base of
operations in Africa.
Africa has become an important theater of operations for Israeli
intelligence, dovetailing neatly with the geopolitical aims of the British
Empire. Africa has long been a key site for Israeli operations against the
Arab states, and Israeli intelligence has worked hard to undermine the
considerable support the PLO enjoyed in many African countries.
Economically, Israelis have always reaped profit through smuggling the
region's gold, diamonds, and other gems, and are always ready to trade
weapons for these valuable resources. Furthermore, the tremendous expansion
of drug trafficking in the region, has made Africa an El Dorado for a man of
Harari is said to have been active where Israeli weapons trafficking,
smuggling, and intelligence are operational, including in Angola, Central
Africa, the Great Lakes region, as well as the Horn of Africa. The countries
along the Red Sea littoral, particularly Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and
Somalia, have been targets of Israeli intelligence activity. Sudan is seen
as Israel's number-one enemy in Africa.
Israel's early sponsorship of the Idi Amin regime in Uganda, for deployment
against Sudan in the early 1970s, indicates the strategic position Uganda
has in Israeli schemes. Among the Israelis active there is retired Gen.
David Agmon, the former chief of staff of the cabinet of Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Agmon is now a personal adviser to Uganda's
Museveni and has been seen quite often in public with him. Agmon operates
through the Australian mining company Russell Resources, which was granted
gold-mining concessions in the eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic
of Congo, shortly after the overthrow of Zairean President Mobutu Sese Seko.
These concessions are currently in the area occupied by the Congolese rebels
and Ugandan and Rwandan troops.
Alberto Prado Herreros, the gun-runner
EIR's investigation has determined that Alberto Prado Herreros is operating
in close association with Harari to set up the covert weapons supply into
Central Africa. Herreros, a longtime weapons- and drug-trafficker, has been
part of the Harari network since the 1970s, and is often characterized as
the Hispanic rendition of Harari; Herreros and Harari are, in fact, cousins.
Herreros operates through Lomax International Inc., in Miami, Florida. Lomax
markets eastern European weapons, particularly from Poland and Bulgaria.
Lomax is also an agent for the Bulgarian arms manufacturer, the Arsenal Co.,
which is notorious for supplying weapons to all sides in several of Africa's
civil wars and conflicts. Arsenal Co. produces everything from AK-47s to
heavy artillery, and sells every type of munition, including anti-personnel
mines, which continue to kill civilians long after fighting has ended.
According to the CIA Inspector General's report, Herreros was one of the
"prime contractors" for the Contra supply operation. He and Michael Palmer
operated through two companies--Vortex Air International and Universal Air
Equipment Leasing, Inc.
The CIA IG report, in the section on "Pilots, companies and other
individuals working for the companies used to support the Contra program,"
Subsection "Vortex/Universal," paragraph 858, reads: "On May 13, 1987,
Customs responded to the CIA trace request. The Customs response indicated
that Al Herreros, Vortex/Universal's president, was a suspected drug
trafficker. Customs records reportedly indicated that Herreros `[was]
believed [in 1985] to be engaged in smuggling narcotics via aircraft' and
was doing business as Vortex Sales and Leasing, He was also reported to be
associated with `documented smuggler' John Lett."
John Lett was a fixer for smuggling anything throughout Ibero-America, be it
drugs or weapons. His services were often utilized by various national
secret services, including the United States.
Paragraph 859 reads: "The DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration] and Customs
trace responses also indicated that other employees of Vortex/Universal and
the prime contractor--Michael Palmer, Joseph Haas, Alberto Prado Herreros,
Maurico Letona, Martin Gomez, Donaldo Frixone and two pilots for the prime
contractor--all of whom were affiliated with the CIA Contra support program,
may have been involved in narcotics trafficking prior to their relationship
with the agency."
Paragraph 864 of the report details their relationship to the State
Department's Nicaraguan Humanitarian Assistance Office, and its director,
When the Contra story broke into the press, and the evidence of Contra
drug-running mounted, these individuals came under pressure, but they were
never forced to cease operations. According to the Florida State Corporate
Registry, Vortex Air International, the official name of Herreros's company,
was involuntarily dissolved on Nov. 14, 1986, only to be reinstated on Dec.
The CIA report cites Herreros business partner Palmer as a drug trafficker
and reportedly a target of three U.S. drug investigations in the 1980s; but
he was also believed to have worked as an informant for the DEA. As recently
as 1995, Palmer has been in business with a company called Direct Cargo, in
partnership with Herreros, and based at the same address as the defunct
On Jan. 21, 1998, Herreros founded Vortex II. On the same day Herreros
founded his arms company, Lomax International, Inc. Herreros is also said to
maintain a bank account on Willemstad Island, in the Netherlands Antilles
under the corporate name of Lommex Investments Ltd.
Both Lomax International and Vortex are located at the same address: 8320
S.W. 83 Street, Miami, Florida, 333143. If anyone wishes to buy a
consignment of Bulgarian AK-47 assault rifles, telephone orders can be made
at (305) 596-0657.
Lest anyone wonder how Herreros can continue for almost three decades,
despite these allegations of illegal activities, the Florida Corporate
Registry reveals that Mr. Herreros might have some powerful political
friends. In the 1970s, Herreros was the registered agent of a company called
Contran Corp. Ltd. (Florida). Contran Corp. is the holding company of Texas
billionaire Harold C. Simmons. Although we do not mean to assert that Mr.
Simmons is involved in any illegal activity, or that he figures in any way
in this Central African operation, we find it fascinating that Simmons, a
generous contributor to political campaigns, has helped finance the
political campaigns of, among many others, Bush's arms-for drugs operative,
would-be Senator Oliver North.
Daniel Eiffe, Norwegian People's Aid
Daniel Eiffe is the operations officer for the non-governmental organization
Norwegian People's Aid (NPA), which operates in southern Sudan in support of
John Garang's Sudenese People's Liberation Army.
The NPA's support of the SPLA has been so lurid as to cause it to be "fired"
by the Norwegian government, which had funneled aid money for the famine
victims in southern Sudan through the NPA. However, the Norwegian People's
Aid continues to receive large amounts of money from the U.S. Agency for
International Development, up to $25 million annually, according to its own
Norway was forced to suspend all aid to NPA following an official report
certifying that the NPA has been assisting the war efforts of of the SPLA
for at least the last ten years. This report was conducted by the Danish
COWI Konsult, a consulting firm used by the United Nations. The COWI Konsult
report stated that two Norwegian organizations, NPA and Church Emergency AID
(Kirkens Noedhjelp), have contributed to prolonging the war in southern
Sudan through pumping aid (food, medical care, transport facilities) to
The report states: "The NPA has provided the SPLA soldiers with food, put
cars and houses under SPLA's disposal, and built schools for the children of
the SPLA officers," as reported in the May 20 Aktuelt newspaper. The report
further states that the NPA is "more preoccupied with treating wounded
soldiers at the front than providing care for the civilian population." "To
establish a field hospital close to the front is something you do when your
main concern is military progress," COWI charged.
According to Aktuelt, "The [COWI] report also puts big question marks over
Norsh Folkehjelp's [NPA] positive information about the work in Sudan,
provided to people who donate money and to Norway's media. When put under
greater scrutiny the reports have turned out to be unsatisfactory and full
of wrong conclusions. Norsh Kokehjelp's work in the south of Sudan is led
from the organization's office in Nairobi, that for the past years has been
very turbulent, with the dismissal of two leaders, debts of millions,
accusations of corruption and bitter feuds among the staff."
To these charges, NPA Chief of Information Iva Christiansen effectively
pleaded guilty, saying: "The report makes soldiarity work a problem and
strives for neutrality in the aid work. We have never been neutral in the
conflict in southern Sudan, we openly support the SPLA," as reported in the
May 20 Aftenposten. "The SPLA guerrillas are in control of the areas where
the civilians are suffering, and without their permission it would be
impossible for us to operate there."
Eiffe himself operates out of Wilson Airport in Nairobi, Kenya, and has a
forward base at Lokichoggio, Kenya, along the border with Sudan. Even in
July, after the scandals around the NPA had exploded in Norway, Winter's
U.S. Committee for Refugees brought Eiffe to Washington to lobby for money,
a stance that was endorsed in July 29 hearings by the Africa Subcommittee of
the House of Representatives, in which Assistant Secretary of State Susan
Rice called for funding non-governmental organizations operating outside of
the United Nations' Operation Lifeline--a clear reference to the NPA.
The NPA was founded by the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions in 1939
and has been active in southern Sudan since 1986. Despite its "leftist"
profile, it has been cooperating closely with "right-wing" Christian
fundamentalist groups led by Baroness Caroline Cox's British-based Christian
Solidarity International. The NPA's relationship with the group around
Mossad agent Michael Harari could date back to its support for the
Nicaraguan Sandinistas in their struggle against dictator Anastasio Somoza
in the 1970s.
Their relationship to the SPLA could be related to the fact that the public
spokesman of the SPLA, Monsour Khalid, was the vice-chairman of the
so-called Brundtland Commission, founded in 1987 by Gro Harlem Brundtland,
former Prime Minister of Norway, who now holds a high position in the United
The NPA literature claims that they only deal with the SRRA, which is
suppose to be the "humanitarian aid" organization of the SPLA. Although
considered a relief organization, they do not hide their politics. In a
commentary in the Norwegian daily Aftenposten on Sept. 29, 1998, the
secretary general of the NPA, Halle Joern Hanssen, stated in clear terms
that his organization is "political" and its main goal is to support the war
efforts of John Garang and his Sudanese People's Liberation Movement.
Hanssen attacked all other international aid agencies that are active in
Sudan, including the international Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) and the
United Nations, for working "under the dictates of the Khartoum regime." "We
have chosen a totally diffrent position," wrote Hanssen, who prefers to work
in the "liberated areas."
This position was official reasserted at the meeting of NPA's national board
on Sept. 13:
"Since 1986-87, we have, therefore, chosen to take sides in the conflict in
southern Sudan through both our practical work and through the political
expressions and impressions that we have marked. We have sided by the
oppressed people of southern Sudan against the oppressors in Khartoum who
are represented by a brutal military dictatorship. Our main cooperation
partner is the SPRA, which is, again, the humanitarian aid organisation of
the SPLM. Simultaneously, we have established a strong and continued contact
with the leadership of the SPLM and the SPLA. This contact and trust is
totally necessary for our practical activities in the field in the liberated
The NPA was not only accused of aiding and abetting the military wing of the
SPLA, but also for "keeping the conflict going" in southern Sudan--the
conflict that has cost more than 1 million lives. According to the Aktuelt
daily, "It has increased the hostilities between different groups in the
country. Partly by actively supporting certain factions, and partly by
operating in certain parts of the country."
Eiffe wants this war to widen, and for this reason is working to keep the
SPLA alive after the defeat of its latest attempt to seize East Equatoria.
Brig. Gen. Kazini: Where is the Chief of Staff?
Brigadier General James Kazini is the current Chief of Staff of the Ugandan
Army, stationed in Kisangani, the Democratic Republic of Congo, more than
300 kilometers from General Headquarters. According to a South African
intelligence source, Kazini was in command of the invasion of the Congo, the
source having accompanied him during the campaign in western Congo, which
later failed. Kazini is the nephew of Ugandan President Museveni, and came
to hold his current position as part of Museveni's bringing his own
relatives into top positions of the military in preparation for renewed war
Kazini's presence in Congo is not just military, but business, it would
appear. Kazini's brother Jet Mwebaze was killed in a crash of a private
plane, apparently on its way to the Congo, a crash surrounded by mystery,
since the pilot was found with a bullet in his head. According to the Oct.
18 Rwandan newspaper, the New Times, when Colonel Mwebaze died, he was on a
gold mission along with members of a murky international gold and
money-laundering syndicate heading for the part of the Congo under the
control of his brother, Brigadier Kazini, in the service of General Salim
Saleh, "the overall warlord." (Salim Saleh is Museveni's half-brother.)
Passengers on board Jet Mwebaze's plane included an official of the Sudanese
opposition, and also an Israeli businessman, Zeev Shif, who worked for
Efforte Corp., one of the companies of Salim Saleh. There was up to $1
million in cash on the plane.
Is this the gold money that is being used to finance the covert supply of
arms to the SPLA and possibly other "rebels"?
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