Date: Wed, 7 Jan 98 09:27:59 CST
From: Arm The Spirit <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Subject: PKK Party Program - Chapter Two: Kurdish Society
In our country, Kurdistan, one of the most fertile regions of the earth, humanity for the first time in its history began to cultivate agriculture, have a settled life, and to raise livestock. Various tribes have lived in this region since long, long ago, and they began a specific development towards culture. For these reasons, this region has played the role of the cradle of civilization for a long time. The region possessed many raw materials, as well as means of connection and transportation to other civilizations. This beneficial situation also had its disadvantages, however, since our country has also been a battleground for wars since long ago. During such developments, entire tribes were either wiped out or forced to live under occupation.
The efforts by our people to settle in our country began when the Medes arrived on the stage of history in about 1000 B.C. The Medes, who stemmed from the Aryan branch of Indo-Europeans, waged a centuries-long war against their neighbors, the Persians and the Assyrians, in order to be able to settle down in this country and expand.
The Medes, after first defeating the Persians and then overcoming the Assyrians in 612 B.C., formed the largest empire of that time period. The boundaries of the Median Empire encompassed all of what is today known as Kurdistan. The long years of their struggle gave rise to a national consciousness, while at the same time developing their freedom loving character. They adopted the cultures of the various tribes living in the region into their own culture, and they played a leading role in the formation of our national values during the development of this new culture.
The Median Empire, which eventually took on the character of a despotic and enslaving empire, was defeated by the Persians in the year 550 B.C. From this date on, our people began a phase of permanent occupation and subjection to tyranny. From the 6th century B.C. until the 7th century A.D., when Arab troops invaded and took over the region, our people lived under the occupation of different enslaving empires. Persians, Greeks and Macedonians, Armenians, Romans, Byzantines, and others either chose Kurdistan as the battlefield for their struggles or, in the event of a victory, subjected our people to their rule. In either case, there was always a great loss of life, and our people were forced to live in the most mountainous and harsh regions of the country. This condition led to us forming an internalized, tribal society. During the feudal period, the occupation and tyranny which our people were subjected to increased. The victory of the Arabs in the 7th century was especially bloody. The Islamic ideology took over from national development, and in this way our people were alienated from their own values and were thereby hindered in their national development. This was an important factor which led to our people remaining under the control of foreign, feudal powers.
The period of Arab dominance and all of its oppression lasted until the 10th century. At that point, it began to weaken. The lack of another powerful occupying force resulted in a period of beneficial conditions, during which our people could again develop their national unity. The result of these beneficial conditions were the formation of various Kurdish feudal states, in particular the Kurdish state of Marwaniden.
In the 11th century, a new occupying force took over Kurdistan. These were the Oguz tribes, or Turks, which were near the upper levels of barbarism and which developed into a conquering power after adopting Islam. The Turks quickly organized themselves during these events into feudal lords. Because the cultures in the lands which they occupied were more further developed than their own, the Turkish tribes became mostly assimilated in the regions where they settled.
The period of control by Turkish feudal lords over Kurdistan (Atabey, Hakan, Sultan), which we have only briefly sketched here, lasted from the 11th century until the 20th century. This period was marked by great violence and massacres. Despite the fall of the Atabey, the Akkoyunlular, the Artikogullari, and other Anatolian tribes, the Turkish feudal lords maintained their control over Kurdistan. Then the Mongolian conquerors and the Tibur swept through Kurdistan like a whirlwind. A large part of Kurdistan, which previously was under the control of the Safawidian Empire in Iran, came under the control of the Ottomans. Therefore, Kurdistan became divided between the Safawidian and the Ottoman Empires.
All of these periods of feudal control were of a very violent and exploiting character, and they always faced a violent resistance from our people. Because our people were never fully brought under their control, the banner of resistance was raised at every opportunity. The vast mountains of Kurdistan became forts of security, protecting our existence and our freedom. The period of Ottoman-Turkish feudal control over Kurdistan, which played a major role in the dividing and splitting up of Kurdistan, began in the 16th century. Sheik Idris-I Bitlisi, one of the representatives of the Kurdish feudal dynasty, played a major role in securing the power of the Ottomans over Kurdistan. This one person, who was a willing agent for the Ottoman sultans, divided our people at this time into two schools of thought. This division benefitted the political goals of both the Ottoman sultans as well as the Iranian sheiks. On the one hand, they used Kurdistan as their battlefield for their battles against one another, and on the other hand these battles were made easier for them by playing our people off against one another. Therefore, our people remained under their control. Even today, the Turkish colonialists continue to benefit from this division. At first, the Ottoman-Turkish rule was not very strong, and Kurdish feudal lords enjoyed extensive autonomy. This manifested itself in the sending of pledges of loyalty, soldiers, and gifts to the sultans. But in the 18th century, along with the advent of capitalism, which developed as the dominant mode of production in Western Europe, the Ottomans suffered a series of defeats and the resulting loss of income which they used to draw from their conquered lands abroad they were forced to collect by increasing pressure and exploitation on their internal colonies. In the 19th century, this tendency increased, and as a result, an uprising broke out in Kurdistan as a reaction to this pressure and exploitation, and several tribes took part. The bloody suppression of this revolt led to an increase in pressure from the Ottoman rulers. When the Ottoman Empire collapsed after the First World War of global redivision, the pressure on Kurdistan came from outside instead. During these years, the external conditions for achieving independence were especially favorable, because the imperialist countries were not able to establish a total occupation of the region. But the internal conditions (feudal tribal structures, the non-existence of modern classes, disorganization) and pressure from the reorganized Turkish ruling classes made it difficult or impossible to make use of the favorable external conditions. Centuries of continuous feudal domination over Kurdistan prevented the creation of a Kurdish society with its own dynamic. The feudalized tribal structure, which was heavily influenced by the foreign occupying powers, was of a very collaborationist character. The Kurdish feudal classes which had formed found it more in their own self-interest to be dependent on foreign powers rather than to be independent. The struggle to preserve their own internal positions of power brought the society as a whole to a hopeless situation.
During the phase of capitalist formation, the oppression and exploitation in our country greatly increased, even more so than in the times of slavery and feudalism when there was occupation and plundering. The capitalist colonial forces did not hesitate to use all the means of destruction at their disposal, both subtle and brutal methods, in order to erase the name of our country and the existence of our people from history.
The developments following the First World War had very deep and lasting effects on our country. Whereas before our country had been divided between the Ottoman sultans and the Iranian Shah, now we were divided up into four parts following an agreement between the Turkish colonial power and the British and French imperialists.
During the capitalist period, it was primarily the Turks who colonized
Kurdistan. The Turkish Republic, which was founded on the remains of
the Ottoman Empire after the war, had no problem in securing its hold
over Kurdistan, which had been occupied ever since the Ottoman
times. By expanding its capitalist socio- economic basis, the rule of
the Turkish Republic, in comparison to Turkish administrations during
the feudal period, was more extensive with respect to military,
political, economic, and cultural matters. A legal foundation for the
annexation of a large portion of Kurdistan into the Turkish Republic
was provided by the Treaty of Ankara signed with France in 1921, and
the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, which the British played a major role
in drafting. During the Turkish Republic's formative years, the
Turkish administration's influence in Kurdistan was very limited. At
the same time, the influence of Kurdish feudal and tribal lords
(internal autonomy) grew stronger. In the first parliament of the
Turkish Republic, one even heard mention of
the government of two
the parliament of two peoples. As the central
government grew stronger, there were conflicts between the Republic
and the local authorities, who naturally wished to protect the class
interests of the feudal tribal leaders. The governments of the
Republic, who saw it as their task to
create an authentic Turkish
nation within its own borders, were able to derive great benefits
from their conflicts with the local authorities.
In order to create a military basis for the occupation of Kurdistan,
the main precondition for a colonial praxis, the strategy of these
governments was not to occupy Kurdistan all at once, which wouldn't
have been possible anyway given the balance of power at that time, but
rather to take over the country bit by bit. In order to do this,
classic methods of religious divergence were used to play the people
off against each other. To prevent any internal or external
opposition, the notion was spread that
wild, murderous Kurds were
revolting. Just the right time was needed to launch this strategy;
at the same time, the uprisings which had been led by feudal lords,
but which usually had a tendency to split, grew into full-scale
revolts. Using these revolts as a pretext, the people were massacred,
the local authorities destroyed, and our country was brought under the
total control of the central government. A plan was then launched to
intimidate our people from becoming active or launching another revolt
On the basis of the strategy which was pursued by Turkish governments in the years from 1925 to 1938, our country fell under total military control. With this as a foundation, the development of colonialism in the political, cultural, and economic spheres was much easier.
Despite the fact that international conditions were very favorable for the liberation of Kurdistan from colonialism following the Second World War, there were no progressive steps undertaken in our country due to Turkey's non-entry into the war, which was a result of their strong military control over our country and their attempts to maintain a backwards social structure. When the collaborating Turkish bourgeoisie grew stronger, with external support from the USA and internal backing from Kurdish feudal lords, Turkey underwent a period of economic development in the 1950s. The beginnings of capitalist agriculture and the founding of assembly line industries provided an impulse for removing the isolation which had surrounded Kurdistan. Also, the crisis of imperialism at that time, along with the breaking open of the closed economy to a free market, played a role in this. In short, the development of Turkish capitalism, the market problems of imperialism, and the competition of Kurdish large land owners in capitalist efforts brought forth a form of colonialist capitalism in Kurdistan in the 1960s. The exploitation of the country's natural resources and the effects of this type of capitalism, which led to a partial dissolution of feudalism, were devastating. Millions of people became unemployed as machinery was introduced into agriculture and people became separated from their lands due to Turkish industrialization. In order to prevent a reaction to these negative developments, school-aged youths, particularly in Kurdistan, were subjected to a primitive culture and a policy of assimilation.
The colonization of the Kurdish regions of Turkey, therefore, took place before the colonization of the other parts of Kurdistan.
One small part in the west of southern Kurdistan was under a French mandate for a time; when the French departed, the area came under Arab control. A large segment of the population of this part of Kurdistan, which can be seen as an extension of the borders of northwest Kurdistan, were not recognized as citizens of Syria and held the status of outsiders. In the early 1970s, attempts were made to settle Arab peoples in the fertile Kurdish regions, but this policy was later abandoned. The Kurdish society there, which had lived according to traditional norms, has begun to gradually change over the past few years.
The vast majority of south Kurdistan remained under a British mandate until 1931. The British, together with the Arabs, sought to break the Kurdish resistance against them, and later a dependent Iraqi-Arab client state was created. The Arab bourgeoisie in this state gained full sovereignty in 1958 and exhibited parallels to the seizure of power in Turkey by Mustafa Kemal. Just as the Kemalists in Turkey had occupied northwest Kurdistan during the years from 1925 to 1938, the same task was undertaken in south Kurdistan as well. In 1974, a revolt led by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), which had both semi-feudal and semi-bourgeois elements in this part of Kurdistan, was partially put down. Building on this, an attempt was made to complete the military occupation of south Kurdistan and continue with colonization in the other sectors.
The hegemony of the Shah over east Kurdistan dates back centuries. Although the Shah usually came from the Persian nation, they always tried to present themselves as the great leader of the Kurds and the Persians and to be accepted as such. An attempt was made to claim that both peoples stemmed from a joint ancestry. In fact, however, the Persians enjoyed the hegemony over the other peoples living in the empire and they subjected them to their rule.
Iran, which began the 20th century as a British semi-colony, began to grow stronger after the First World War and the seizure of power by Riza Pehlevi, and certain bourgeois reforms were introduced. During the Second World War, the Soviet Red Army in the north and British troops in the south occupied the country. The Azerbaijani and Kurdish peoples took advantage of this advantageous condition to declare their own republics, with the support of the Red Army. When the Red Army retreated soon thereafter, both republics were crushed by the Shah's forces.
After 1950, Iran took on the status of one of the USA's neo- colonies, and under the rule of the Shah took on the role of gendarme for imperialism in the Middle East. The Shah's regime, which grew in strength following the discovery of vast oil reserves, ruled the population with grim, fascist methods. Although capitalism in Iran was able to develop due to the country's relationship to imperialism, this development had no effect upon Kurdistan, which maintained its feudal structures. On the basis of strengthening capitalist relationships, however, colonialist capitalism was eventually able to penetrate into east Kurdistan.
Because the KDP movement simply represented a continuation of traditional Kurdish revolts, partially adapted to the conditions following the Second World War, it was not able to take on the form of a modern national liberation movement. As a result, the movement suffered a defeat in the 1970s. One positive element of this movement was that it kept an element of Kurdish consciousness alive; the negative side of this, however, was that the Kurdish national question became distorted and used as a tool for foreign hegemonical powers.
In the 1970s, when a certain degree of modern socio-economic development could be seen in Kurdistan, and after the KDP had experienced its defeat, new ideological and political tendencies began to develop in Kurdistan. While petty bourgeois tendencies of various forms arose in the northwest and southern parts of Kurdistan, our party, the PKK, came to represent the revolutionary and national line of the workers and the working class.
The creation of our party as a revolutionary socialist vanguard, as well as a modern national liberation movement, marked a very decisive turning point in the history of Kurdistan. Our party introduced a new phase, namely the phase which was characterized by the end of the developed colonial hegemony and the end of the destruction of our nation. Our resistance protected our national identity and propagated the national liberation struggle. By pushing through a revolutionary line within national liberation, based on the modern developments in northwest Kurdistan and the leadership of the working class and the population of the geographically largest section of Kurdistan, the mistakes of previous national liberation movements were corrected and the patriotic sectors of the population were united and regenerated on this basis.
Our party, which was officially founded in 1978 after a five-year ideological phase of formation, and which waged a political and military struggle for national liberation, dealt a heavy blow to the Turkish Republic, which denied the existence of our people. All of this led to the fascist military coup of September 12, 1980. In the period from 1970 to 1980, the ideological and political line of national liberation was formulated. On this basis, the people realized their first revolutionary actions. From a philosophical point of view, this was the time when they began to shed the colonial hegemony over their thinking.
The period from 1980 to 1990 was one of building upon the resistance to the fascist and colonialist regime of September 12, as well as the revolutionary actions of August 15, 1984. The rule of the Turkish Republic over Kurdistan was undermined during this phase, as Kurdish society experienced an enormous rise of revolutionary and national consciousness, which led to the formation of a front and an army within the national liberation movement. These national and revolutionary advances in northwest Kurdistan, under the leadership of our party, began to have an influence over all of Kurdistan.
Today, a very penetrating national and social revolution is taking place in northwest Kurdistan. The national liberation struggle, which is aimed against the special war of the Turkish Republic, is being carried out in all parts of the country. The people, who have become united and conscious under the leadership of our party, are moving to break through colonial rule and create a national and democratic people's power by waging a determined struggle despite unimaginable pains and difficulties. On this basis, the national liberation struggle will spread out to all the other parts of Kurdistan and create a united Kurdistan.
The small, western portion of south Kurdistan is strongly influenced
by the events in northwest Kurdistan. Particularly since the mid
1980s, the people there play an active role in the struggle in large
numbers. Furthermore, the population of this part of Kurdistan has
undergone a significant national and democratic evolution under the
leadership of our party. The relations between our national liberation
movement and progressive Arab forces have played a major role in this
raising of consciousness and organization among the people. In most of
south Kurdistan, Iraqi-Arab dominance and hegemony was restored
following the 1974 defeat of the KDP. In September 1980, when the
Iraqi government pulled many of its forces out of Kurdistan just prior
to the Iran-Iraq War, a new armed uprising began. Although this armed
resistance sought to shed its old qualities and become modernized, it
nonetheless failed to win any major achievements and was defeated once
again in 1988. In the aftermath of the Gulf War, this portion of
Kurdistan rose up once again, and following the intervention of the
imperialist states, this region became one in which various forces
were able to agitate. Although part of this region is under Iraqi
control again today, there is a
federative Kurdish government
in most of the area, under the protection of the imperialist
states. This situation in south Kurdistan was made possible by the
effects of the national liberation struggle in northwest Kurdistan and
the general world situation. This development has increased the ties
between the northern and southern areas of Kurdistan, thus making a
revolutionary union of both regions part of the agenda. Many different
forces have taken advantage of the present situation in this part of
In the eastern part of Kurdistan, there was heavy fighting at the end of the 1970s. When the Shah's regime was overthrown in 1979, colonial rule was removed from east Kurdistan for a short period of time. But the Islamic Republic, which replaced the Shah, soon reasserted its hegemony over east Kurdistan and used brutal methods to deal a nearly total defeat to the traditional resistance forces there. Although the influence of the national liberation movement in northwest Kurdistan has expanded in east Kurdistan as well, the level of national liberation there is very low in comparison to the other parts of Kurdistan.
The present situation in Kurdistan, which is in a continuous process of change, exhibits the following characteristics:
A) There is a heavy struggle going on between those forces which wish to preserve the old colonial status, and those forces which support national liberation. In this respect, Kurdistan is one of the most fought over regions in the world.
B) At the present time, Kurdistan is experiencing a far-reaching national and democratic revolution. In this respect, Kurdistan represents a revolutionary center whose influence is felt not only in the entire region, but across the world. All life in Kurdistan is being affected by the changes being brought about by this revolution.
C) The status of Kurdistan which was brought about in the past (namely colonial division) is being broken by the national liberation struggle. New ties and a new unity are developing between the different parts of Kurdistan. The old harmony between the imperialists and their colonial state is wearing down. A struggle is taking place in Kurdistan between the new colonialist policies of the imperialists, the classical policies of the colonialist states, the politics of collaboration, and the politics of national liberation.
D) The national liberation struggle in northwest Kurdistan contains a decisive and directive element for all of Kurdistan.
In northwest Kurdistan, an increasingly intensive struggle has developed for the past ten years. The revolutionary national liberation struggle, which our party is waging against the special war policies of the Turkish Republic, is the motor of this social change. The situation of struggle defines all sectors of social life. Furthermore, the national liberation struggle being waged by our party against the Turkish Republic has had determining effects upon the national movement and the national struggle in the other parts of Kurdistan.
After the new colonial capitalism developed in Turkey, its effects were then seen in Kurdistan, and in the 1960s a colonialist form of Turkish capitalism began to spread through Kurdistan. In Kurdistan, this economic structure, which formed around state industries completely dependent on the Turkish market, was based on the exploitation of the means of production in Kurdistan. The goal of Turkish colonialism was to swallow up Kurdistan. In the past ten years of war, this has become even clearer, and it has since taken on the form of a special war.
The foundations of economic life in Kurdistan, which are now almost entirely dictated by the struggle which is taking place, can be summarized as follows:
A) The colonial economic structure which was previously formed can now no longer be maintained in the manner it was before. The intensifying national liberation struggle has set limits to it.
B) Despite being limited, the colonial economy has not lessened in its exploitation and plundering, rather these have intensified. This is not in contradiction with the fact that the old structures of Turkish colonialism are eroding.
C) The Turkish Republic has installed a war economy in Kurdistan, and all economic life and economic potentials are completely utilized to benefit the special war. This war economy, however, is a big drain on the Turkish Republic and it has driven the Turkish economy to ruins.
D) In economic terms, the population are very weakened. But despite the conditions of a war economy, in some areas such as trade there has developed an economy for national liberation. The economic relations which have arisen in Kurdistan under colonial hegemony, and which are now developing under conditions of war, bring with them a social formation and change which are dependent upon them. In the past, colonial capitalism eroded the feudal social structures to some degree, and instead brought about its own social corruption and form. While the feudal lords at the top developed into a feudal comprador class, the peasant class began to dissolve, and together with the urban petty bourgeoisie a class of unemployed workers and young intellectuals was formed. Starting with the working class and including the intellectuals, these social classes formed the foundations of the colonial hegemony and they were subjected to a strong process of assimilation. These relationships are now in a period of deep change.
The revolution being led by our party, and in particular the struggle of the past ten years, has led to rapid and extensive changes in the social structure of Kurdistan. The backwards social and cultural institutions which sought to keep colonialism alive are being torn town, and the society is showing the development of a revolutionary arrangement. At the present time, all reality is determined by the present revolution and struggle. On the one hand, a handful of traitorous collaborators with colonialism and the special war have been revealed, on the other hand, a patriotic population is forming, embracing itself more and more and seeking to overcome its differences and divisions.
Under the existing conditions, the system of
should be viewed as a class. This class, which is composed of
backwards feudal, tribal, and comprador forces, as well as spies,
agents, collaborators, and some unknowing tribal representatives,
represents a social, political, and military pillar of colonialism in
Kurdistan. Turkish colonialism is relying more and more on these
groups to oppose the revolution, but at the same time it fears the
financial expense and political threat of this class. In the base of
supporters which the national liberation movement has given rise to, a
national Kurdish capitalist class also wishes to develop. The still
weak Kurdish national bourgeoisie is comprised of patriotic wealthy
persons, traders, and the upper class of the petty bourgeoisie. The
existence and development of this new class in Kurdistan is entirely
dependent upon the national liberation struggle. The struggle is
resulting in the gradual dissolution of the peasant class, at the same
time patriotism is on the rise within the petty bourgeoisie. The war
has also given rise to a large class of unemployed workers, only a few
of whom are able to find jobs.
The migration which has resulted from the special war is an enormous social problem in Kurdistan. In accordance with the demands of the special war, economic and military means are applied to depopulate all the areas of Kurdistan which support the patriotic struggle. Our people have been spread all over the world, but the majority are to be found in the metropoles of Turkey itself. These migrants, who were created by colonialism in order to weaken the national liberation struggle, have in fact become a great means of support for the national liberation movement.
The class of intellectuals, which used to be under the influence of Kemalism, have recognized that they can no longer oppose the revolutionary struggle and a great number have joined the patriotic ranks. Furthermore, the clear and educational force which the revolutionary national liberation struggle has brought about has helped give rise to an important movement of Kurdish intellectuals.
The politics of Turkish colonialism, which aim to destroy the Kurds as a nation, have suffered a defeat at the hands of the national liberation struggle being led by our party. The educational system of the Turkish Republic no longer functions, and the policies of assimilation can no longer be carried out without obstruction. The Kurdish society is developing a broad, sound, and revolutionary national consciousness, and together with the developing struggle it forms a revolutionary nation. Because of this, the strong ties which used to be determined by tribal structures, and the resulting internal conflicts and factional strife, are disappearing, and in their place is a strong consciousness based on unity and solidarity.
The revolutionary struggle being led by our party, however, has also had an effect of self-discovery upon other national minorities and religious groups who live in Kurdistan, or which are spread out across the world. The politics of our party has exposed the historical workings of Turkish colonialism, namely playing off different peoples against one another, and now that process has been turned around. Our national liberation struggle is the basis for unity for all disadvantaged groups adversely affected by Turkish colonialism, and in it they are able to find their own identity. Our party does not wish to lapse into a narrow form of nationalism, and our party views all the many cultures in Kurdistan as a richness; that's why all cultures are to be guaranteed and supported in their cultural freedom. Our party opposes capitalist-nationalist tendencies who wish to deny that Kurdistan is a land full of cultures, and our party seeks to create conditions under which different cultures can develop in full harmony and freedom.
The backwards world view which for centuries contributed to hatred among peoples is being done away with in today's Kurdistan due to the radical revolution which is unfolding; Kurdish society, which is presently experiencing the biggest process of renewal in its history, will instead possess a revolutionary and patriotic world view.
In order to stop this radical revolution in Kurdistan, the Turkish Republic is waging a special war which knows no boundaries or rules. Political institutions which were once used to strengthen colonial control are being abandoned, and a special war administration is being set up instead all across Kurdistan. This administration, installed by the Turkish Republic, is carrying out the special war in Kurdistan. The Turkish army is building up all of its fighting forces and deploying them in the war in Kurdistan. In addition to traditional army units, there are new creations such as the special corps, the special army, and the special teams, as well as the village guard system and the contra-guerrilla forces which have been created. With the aid of these forces, and not obeying any rules, all forms of war and unimaginably brutal methods are being deployed in Kurdistan. But despite all of this, the Turkish army has lost its former control over Kurdistan and is presently in a hopeless situation.
In the struggle against the political and military control of the Turkish Republic in Kurdistan, our party has developed a political and military dominance. The war of the past ten years, in particular the events since 1990, has illustrated this dominance. There is now a form of dual power in Kurdistan. The feelings and thoughts of the Kurdish people have become revolutionized. The mass organizations and the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK), together with their various legal and illegal associations, form a broad leading force, and the Kurdish population are to a large degree led by this force. The People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK), which our party developed during the course of the war, now has tens of thousands of fighters; this people's army is stationed in all the strategic regions of Kurdistan and it has placed the Turkish army in a position of immobility there.
The events in Kurdistan are determined by the struggle between these two powers. As soon as the fighting forces see it to their advantage, and the conditions of war allow it, then other forms of political struggle can be utilized.
The successes achieved up until now by the revolutionary national liberation struggle which our party is waging against Turkish colonialism have brought with them important political and social developments. It has been shown that the highly reactionary, unjust, and murderous special war regime of Turkish colonialism can be defeated, if no mistakes are made and the political and military line of our party is turned into praxis.